Razor Magazine
October, 2002
THE LANDMINE GUY
By Russ Baker
Every 21 minutes, someone somewhere in the
world - a farmer tilling his field, a woman on her way home, a
young boy playing beside a road - loses a limb or a life to a land
mine left behind by some forgotten conflict. Few people in the
developed world are even aware of this carnage – much less doing
anything about it. Enter Richard Walden, founder of the
irreverent, feisty and utterly unconventional relief organization
Operation USA.
Rousing a largely complacent, inward-looking
populace to indignation and action about far-off-events is a
daunting task. But Walden, a skilled cultural guerrilla, has had
plenty of experience cracking the tough ones. Typical was one day
a few years back when I followed him to the University of
California at Berkeley, where he was convening a land-mine
symposium. I was late and feared I would have trouble finding a
seat, so I rushed down a corridor, only to be waylaid by Walden
himself, who was leaning out of a phone booth. "Take it easy," he
said with a self-deprecating chuckle. "Including you and me, the
crowd is now three."
After a time, things looked a tad more
promising. Other panelists appeared and the audience grew to
several dozen, among them the rock singer-songwriter Jackson
Browne. Later in the evening, Walden's spirits were brightened by
a packed fund-raising dinner, courtesy of Alice Waters, the
celebrity chef-owner of the acclaimed eatery Chez Panisse, and a
benefit concert by Browne. A galvanized campus community clearly
sympathized with plea for an end to the insane and unnecessary
toll of the almost unfathomable 100 million landmines –
many of them manufactured and lain with the acquiescence of
governments such as ours – that place hapless innocents
around the world literally one step away from dismemberment and
death.
In his campaign against this scourge – and a
dozen other causes that make up his group’s portfolio – Walden
battles not only complacency but a perennial shortage of money for
important things in a society teeming with wealth. To bridge this
conscience gap, he operates as a kind of matchmaker for justice,
whether that means cajoling corporations to donate medical
supplies or cargo planes for disaster relief, nagging government
scientists to create innovative land-mine-removal technology, or
charming mega-celebrities, from Barbra Streisand to Muhammad Ali,
into using their cachet to persuade their fans to help the
unfortunate. Whatever he's up to, Walden always seems a few
light-years ahead of the consciousness curve – but constantly
dragging others along.
"One of these unappreciated - or at least
underappreciated - heroes" is what George Bekey, robotics
researcher at the University of Southern California, calls Walden,
who recruited the scientist to his dream of improving
mine-detection technology.
"Richard Walden is very refreshing," says
Joel Charney, vice president for policy at Refugees International
in Washington. "He's iconoclastic, and he tries to get things
done. He doesn't believe in bureaucracy or red tape." Charney
adds: "In a field of people holier than thou, he's not."
To rush earthquake relief to Mexico City,
where an 8.1 quake killed thousands in 1985, Walden
persuaded the tough-as-nails industrialist Armand Hammer to donate
his private jet. To help Cambodians in the aftermath of the Khmer
Rouge's reign of terror, he got gonzo Flying Tiger pilots to fly a
cargo plane into a long-shuttered airport and iconic actress Julie
Andrews to pay for it. Every few months he drags along another
diva or rugged actor to some jungle or desert or drought-stricken
savanna to see first-hand what needs to be done. Walden and
Operation USA being on a budget, it is his well-heeled companions,
of course, who pick up the tab. On one memorable trip during the
civil war in Nicaragua, Walden and several members of Hollywood’s
“Brat Pack” swooshed into that country at rooftop level while
government and rebel forces exchanged fire nearby. Such tactics
led The Los Angeles Times to dub him a "charity buccaneer."
Walden’s impressarial flair emerged from a
childhood in the heart of Hollywood, where the family house
overlooked MGM's back entrance and his father's pharmacy abutted
the studio's front gate. He remembers getting a big tip from
Marilyn Monroe for delivering a prescription. Operation USA
chairman Jonathan Estrin, who met Walden two decades ago while
working as a writer-producer in television, credits him with "a
big heart and a lot of chutzpah, nerve and hustle.” Estrin, now
dean of Drexel University's Media Arts and Design Program in
Philadelphia, marvels that Walden will pick up the phone and ask
anybody for anything: “He has no fear of rejection whatsoever. He
will partner with anybody - there's no ego driving it."
This zest and flash extends to a writ-large
lifestyle in which Walden comports himself with a joyous
near-recklessness that makes him stand out from other nonprofit
executives. Walden, who at 56 looks ten years younger and acts
half his age, is unapologetic about his predilection for nice
hotels (on the tab of those who can afford it) and his propensity
for recruiting attractive volunteers who, it has been said, draw
Hollywood types to do the right thing for not necessarily
charitable reasons. In addition, the loquacious Walden is an
accomplished name-dropper. "Muhammad Ali was in the office while
we were working on Rwanda relief, and he got hungry, so I took him
to lunch," Walden tells me in the umpteenth anecdote of a short
evening together. "I took him to Jerry's [a popular L.A.
delicatessen] and the room went completely silent. Then they began
to applaud, and it grew like a wave. It was incredible."
Mostly, though, Walden and Operation USA
stand out for getting a lot done for a little, and avoiding the
kinds of power plays, strategic missteps and scandals that have
tarred the Red Cross, United Way, and other mega-charities.
Ironically, while the huge relief organizations so often manage to
be where the news cameras (and the funding) are, Walden and his
tiny crew usually find themselves struggling unheralded to get
help to some forgotten locale or ignored cause, such as medicines
for disaster victims in El Salvador and micro-loans for
impoverished Vietnamese peasants.
Operation USA's priorities are evident to
those visiting the organization’s West Hollywood offices. Walden’s
headquarters has the slightly dilapidated air of a place where
everything is donated. With a paid staff of just eight, dozens of
volunteers, and an annual budget of not much over a million
dollars, Operation USA has managed to distribute over $160 million
worth of donated medical supplies. While many comparable
nongovernmental organizations spend 25 to 40 percent of their
resources on overhead, Walden's outfit reports devoting just
two percent. Recently, the group's formula for effective
philanthropy was recognized by Worth Magazine, which named
Operation USA one of America's 100 best charities.
Despite its financial and staffing
limitations, Operation USA has chalked up some impressive
accomplishments in operations that span 82 countries. It was one
of the first relief agencies into Mexico City after that country’s
devastating 1985 earthquake, and its operatives were among the
first Westerners into Phnom Penh, Cambodia, after the overthrow of
the butcher Pol Pot. In famine-stricken Ethiopia, it
innovated the use of 747s in place of smaller cargo planes,
doubling the amount of aid delivered in a single shipment.
"Part of Richard's motivation, and what I
love about him, is that he's an adventurer with a wonderfully
altruistic nature," says Estrin. "He loves going to places people
have never been before, and accomplishing things that seem to be
unaccomplishable. Tell him it can't be done - then he's really
interested."
For a guy who knows so many rich and famous
people, Walden doesn't have much to show for it personally, aside
from a midtown-L.A. Spanish-style house with a big
mortgage. His income - $105,000 - is modest by standards of
officials of nonprofit organizations. Walden is married to Rosanne
Katon, a former actress and Playboy centerfold who is now a
fledgling screenwriter. As an occasional panelist on ABC's
Politically Incorrect, where she was dubbed a "black liberal
Republican," she duked it out with the Rev. Jerry Falwell and
MSNBC’s hollering host, Chris Matthews. Walden and Katon have two
children, Jamaica, a 17-year-old entering the University of
Pennsylvania in the fall, and Adam Mandela Walden, 5.
Walden began breaching conventional barriers
as a college student in the City of Brotherly Love. In the
mid-1960s he entered the University of Pennsylvania, where he went
on to earn undergraduate and law degrees, and where the young
civil-rights enthusiast was admitted to the black radical group,
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, precisely at the
moment when SNCC was kicking out all the other whites. Walden
soon impressed his comrades by persuading Wilt Chamberlain, the
Philadelphia 76ers center, to do a SNCC fund-raiser, quite an
achievement given that Wilt the Stilt would turn out to be a Nixon
Republican.
Confronted with a moral dilemma when he was
about to be called up for Vietnam, the staunchly antiwar Walden
joined an Army Reserve medical unit, where his enthusiasm and
entrepreneurial skills made up for a total lack of medical
knowledge. While being trained at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio,
he talked the Hilton Hotel there into renting him a room for $12 a
night; he paid another guy to keep his bed neat for inspections
back at the base. At breakfast one day, a hotel guest, a prominent
psychiatrist, took a liking to the confident young man, and at 23
Walden found himself setting up a federally funded health center
at Ninth and South Streets, in downtown Philadelphia. While still
in law school, he worked on prison reform both as an appointee to
the Governor’s Justice Commission and as recipient of a Ford
Foundation grant. He also served as a student attorney in federal
court representing black activist Huey Newton and the Black
Panther Party, and managed to win rulings from the US District and
Third Circuit courts putting the entire Philadelphia Police
Department into receivership for failing to uphold the civil
rights of Philadelphia’s black community [C.O.P.P.A.R. v. Rizzo,
later reversed by Nixon’s Supreme Court].
Walden passed the Pennsylvania bar, but had a
hunger for new vistas and moved first to New York, where he landed
a plum position in the administration of New York City Mayor John
V. Lindsay, where he was Deputy General Counsel of the New York
City Health Services Administration. Eight lawyers under the age
of 30 were in charge of a $2 billion agency which ran prison
health, mental health, drug treatment, alcohol treatment,
community clinics and the hospitals. Being a typical careless
Manhattanite, he ended up using the mayor’s limo on occasion to
visit the outer boroughs.
In his free time, he managed to wow young
female interns with trips to the city morgue to watch an autopsy;
“A great first date!” he recalls. He also kept his activist chops,
participating in antiwar street theatre and taking a paid leave
to represent Native American activists at a celebrated face-off
against federal firepower at Wounded Knee, South Dakota. A federal
judge found him in contempt of court, and in lieu of jail time,
had him “evicted” from the state.
Missing the balmy Southern California
climate, he headed for San Diego, where he joined the city’s legal
aid program, and taught at the University of California at San
Diego. Before he could follow up a promising start in mainstream
politics, however, whim intervened, and Walden accepted a
tantalizing offer to join a luscious French girl on a house
sitting
gig in Tahiti (his going-away letter read “Ta-Ta! I’m going to
Ta-ha.”) The young woman, whom he would subsequently marry and
divorce, became a famous journalist, biographer and novelist.
His next crusade would confirm him in his
life's work. While in the midst of an American Civil Liberties
Union lawsuit over unexplained deaths of mental patients in state
hospitals, he got a late-night telephone call. It was from Jerry
Brown, then California’s offbeat ‘Governor Moonbeam’. "Why are
you doing this to me?" Walden recalls Brown saying, referring to
Walden’s appearance on CBS News castigating him for not remedying
the situation.
Walden surprised the governor with his
response. "Where are you? Are you at Linda Ronstadt's place in
Malibu?"
Brown was. Walden persuaded Brown to leave
the sultry singer's side and meet him for a tour of a
mental institution. The reformist governor was stunned by what he
saw, and later, in a characteristic move, asked Walden to become
his Hospitals Commissioner. Walden begged off until his lawsuit
against the state was over, but ended up, at age 30, accepting the
post, which he held for five years.
Operation USA got its start in 1979, when
Walden and another Brown appointee were reading the newspaper at
Walden's Venice Beach house. They noted two articles. One was
about Vietnamese “boat people” who were wandering the seas from
port to unwelcoming port. The other described the grounding,
following a crash, of the world's entire fleet of DC-10s. With a
couple of phone calls, the duo ended up with a jumbo jet and a
planeload of critical medical supplies. Good Morning America
came calling; an avalanche of checks from the public followed.
Soon Walden got a call from Julie Andrews and
her husband, film director Blake Edwards, who had adopted two
Vietnamese girls during the fall of Saigon. The couple, bolstered
by the good fortune that came from such hits as The Sound of
Music and Victor, Victoria (starring Andrews) and the
Pink Panther movies (directed by Edwards), handed Walden
$10,000 and promised to do more. That was 23 years ago, and they
have been involved ever since. Other supporters include the opera
tenor Placido Domingo, whom Walden met during the 1985 Mexico City
earthquake, in which nearly 20,000 died. Walden was
providing relief; the singer was trying to rescue members of his
family. That bond led Domingo to call Frank Sinatra and Rocky
Mountain High crooner John Denver, and the three joined
Andrews for a benefit at the Universal Amphitheatre
the following year. Barbra Streisand gave one
night of her 1994 World Tour to Operation USA.
It's fortunate Walden knows how to charm the
well-heeled: Operation USA has no permanent fund-raising
operation, no direct mail, no TV ads. The charity also does not
accept government funds. Which is just as well, given the group's
insistence on providing aid to people of all countries,
irrespective of U.S. policy preferences, not to mention Walden's
willingness to criticize any administration he thinks is being
irrational or unfair. "Politically, I'm so on the outs with, oh,
it doesn't matter who is president," shrugs Walden.
One venture that infuriates Washington is
Operation USA's support for four pediatric hospitals in Cuba.
Fidel Castro alluded to the group’s role when he went on
television to lament the human cost of the U.S. embargo of the
island, and mentioned having to ask certain "friends in
California" to rush in emergency heart medicine for two infants.
In June, the Bush Administration seemingly got into the payback
lane by modifying Walden’s Commerce Department license to send
humanitarian aid to Cuba, by cutting out all four pediatric
hospitals in Havana and by refusing to allow the group to send
computers, X-ray equipment, sterilizers and even fetal monitors
for newborns in Cuba. Walden is appealing those restrictions as
well as the glacial pace adopted by the Bush Administration in
renewing the group’s Treasury Department license to travel to and
from Cuba to monitor its aid. (Unlike most aid administrators,
Walden doesn’t shy away from taking personal political action when
the spirit moves him. Disgusted that the little Cuban boy Elian
Gonzalez wasn’t being returned to his father when his mother died,
he hatched an elaborate "Plan B" to fly three “very loud” lawyers,
including himself, into Miami and launch lawsuits against Elian's
American relatives, their eight lawyers, and, while they were at
it, the entire Cuban-American exile leadership and the two mayors
of Miami, city and county.)
Walden’s general irreverence and
often-startling candor extend to his appreciation of the perks of
his trade, politically correct or no. For example, he cheerfully
admits that part of his motivation in continuing his work in Asia
is that he, like many American men, find Asian women alluring. He
laughingly suggests that it would have been very easy to co-opt
male anti-Vietnam War protestors with a few well timed trips to
Asian pleasure palaces.
Still, at the end of the day, the guy is
obsessed with his work – and with results. In recent years,
expressing frustration with the seemingly futile,
finger-in-the-dike nature of much relief work, Walden has looked
for opportunities to extend and deepen his group's imprint. Though
Operation USA long provided prosthetics to land-mine victims and
funded a school to train Cambodians to fit their countrymen with
artificial limbs, eventually expanding the program to Bosnia,
Rwanda and other countries, he felt it was not enough. Why wasn't
it possible to eliminate the cause of the carnage and find better
ways to remove the estimated 100 million mines already in place?
For starters, he found, the current technology is incredibly
archaic. In Cambodia, it took 3,000 people 15 months and cost $8
million to de-mine just eight square miles. And the work is
devilishly dangerous.
A solution came in typical Walden fashion: he
seized a passing opportunity and harnessed a coalition of
strangers. In 1994, K.G. Engelhardt, a former NASA robotics
expert, invited him to address a NASA roundtable about the things
Operation USA would like to adapt from the agency's grab bag of
gee-whiz technology.
"As a throwaway line, I said, 'Oh, by the
way, we can't find land mines from six inches away,' " Walden
recalls. That set off an electric reaction. A man in the crowd
exclaimed that was about the dumbest thing he'd ever heard. He was
director of the Mars Lander program at NASA’s Jet Propulsion
Laboratory, which, he said, could analyze soil and rocks on the
Red Planet and radio the results back to Earth. So why in the
world, he wanted to know, wasn't it possible to find an object of
known mass and size a hand's length away?
Walden asked the assembled group if any of
them had ever spoken to the Pentagon about applying NASA science
to mine removal. No one had. Walden sprang into action. He
arranged a meeting in Washington with the Departments of Defense
and State, and the United States Agency for International
Development, and brought with him two NASA researchers.
The D.C. folks were suitably impressed, but
getting them to take action was something else again.
"It was like peeling an onion," says Walden.
It turned out that no one involved with removing land mines was
talking to anyone else. A GAO study found eighteen federal
offices dealing, independently, with the issue.
Walden plunged ahead with his own initiative,
enlisting an impromptu team from entertainment, science and
business to show the foot-dragging bureaucrats how it could be
done. He began lining up allies at federal agencies and labs. He
even begged special-effects designers at movie studios to adapt
some of their cool inventions, such as the mini helicopters used
to film chase scenes.
Perhaps the most fruitful contact was with
California's Lawrence Livermore Lab, a defense, energy and
biomedical research facility best known for its development of
nuclear weapons. "Not much of what we do is humanitarian," says
Stephen Azevedo, Micropower Impulse Radar Project leader at the
lab. "He was very persuasive to me, personally, that this was
something our lab could contribute to. We can feel good about the
fact we can save some lives and be productive on the other side of
defense applications. They helped us convince my management it was
important to go into the field and see what the problem really
is," says Azevedo.
Operation USA began introducing some of these
technoguys to the developing world. Pink-faced lab boys huddled
with village elders in Kampong Chhnang Province and Tul Kuk near
Phnom Penh, and got to know firsthand the children whose lives are
forever altered by the weapon systems the Pentagon laboratories
developed. (Presumably, none of them complained about one member
of their party, Operation Landmine Staffer Naomi Wyles, a
British-Malaysian woman with sharp Playboy Centerfold looks and
even sharper understanding of the technical issues involved in the
project.)
In 1997, Operation USA triumphantly returned
to Cambodia with scientists to start field-testing radar to detect
mines; at Lawrence Livermore, scientists showed off a de-mining
robot. A high point came in 1998 when Walden delivered the Robert
J. Oppenheimer Memorial Lecture in Physics at Los Alamos National
Laboratory. "It was the ultimate Zelig experience for me," he
recalls.
Ultimately, however, this subversive,
creative alliance - and the land-mine movement as a whole - could
not buck realpolitik and the inertia of government. Several
countries including the United States have managed to undercut a
breakthrough, 135-signatory international treaty to ban the
manufacture and use of land mines. The U.S. government has also
stalled Walden's dream of marshaling technology to remove the
millions of existing mines - by failing to get agreement between
key agencies that could authorize required tests.
None of this has discouraged Walden, whose
resourcefulness continues to pay off in unexpected ways. At
another meeting at another lab to evaluate yet another land-mine
solution, Walden got another brainstorm. Watching a researcher's
Power Point presentation on the ability of a new device to peer
beneath the Earth's surface, he noticed a blue field.
What is that? he asked.
Oh, just water, came the reply.
Walden sat up straight.
As a result of his putting H2 and
O together, UNICEF has requested that Operation USA come to
Afghanistan to help it find water sources for displaced Afghans.
And the Ministries of Rural Development of both Vietnam and
Cambodia want the device used in their parched rural areas.
But just when Walden was ready to launch his
newest venture, the US National Security Agency balked. The spy
bureaucrats made clear that they want the same device reserved
strictly for detection of explosive and radioactive materials in
the War on Terror.
To Walden, that’s plain nuts. The way he sees
it, you can’t separate “national” security and the safety of
individuals. Besides, he figures, the public ought to have some
say in the uses for advanced technology paid for with its tax
dollars.
In any case, if the news discouraged our
hero, his funk lasted exactly two seconds before he was back on
the phone, rallying his scattered but inspired troops to new
battles in his personal, peaceable war.